By Cécile Laborde
The 1st entire research of the philosophical matters raised by means of the hijab controversy in France, this booklet additionally conducts a discussion among modern Anglo-American and French political thought and defends a revolutionary republican approach to so-called multicultural conflicts in modern societies. It seriously assesses the professional republican philosophy of laïcité which imagined to justify the 2004 ban on spiritual indicators in faculties. Laïcité is proven to surround a complete idea of republican citizenship, established on 3 beliefs: equality (secular neutrality of the general public sphere), liberty (individual autonomy and emancipation) and fraternity (civic loyalty to the neighborhood of citizens). demanding respectable interpretations of laïcité, the e-book then places ahead a serious republicanism which doesn't help the hijab ban, but upholds a revised interpretation of 3 critical republican commitments: secularism, non-domination and civic harmony. therefore, it articulates a model of secularism which squarely addresses the matter of established order bias--the indisputable fact that Western societies are traditionally no longer impartial in the direction of all religions. It additionally defends a imaginative and prescient of girl emancipation which rejects the coercive paternalism inherent within the law of spiritual gown, but doesn't go away contributors unaided within the face of non secular and secular, patriarchal and ethnocentric domination. eventually, the booklet outlines a concept of immigrant integration which locations the weight of civic integration on uncomplicated socio-political associations, instead of on electorate themselves. serious republicanism proposes a completely new method of the administration of spiritual and cultural pluralism, centerd at the pursuit of the revolutionary excellent of non-domination in current, non-ideal societies.
Oxford Political Theory offers the easiest new paintings in modern political thought. it really is meant to be wide in scope, together with unique contributions to political philosophy, and likewise paintings in utilized political idea. The sequence will comprise works of remarkable caliber without limit as to method or material. sequence Editors: Will Kymlicka, David Miller, and Alan Ryan.
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Extra info for Critical Republicanism: The Hijab Controversy and Political Philosophy (Oxford Political Theory)
It neither promotes nor combats particular religious beliefs, and refrains from interfering in the internal affairs of religious institutions. The principle of religious freedom was ﬁrst (ambiguously) asserted during the 1789 Revolution: in the wording of Article 10 of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, ‘no one should be persecuted [inquiété ] for their opinions, even religious ones’. A century later, the principles both of religious freedom and of religious pluralism were entrenched by the Third Republic: the 1905 Law of Separation graphically symbolized the removal of state control of religion, and the recognition of the pluralist structure of background religious institutions in civil society.
42 Jules Ferry, the main promoter of morale laïque as the public philosophy of French schools, argued that such morality was ‘neutral’ in the sense that it was distinct from ‘those high metaphysical conceptions . . over which theologians and philosophers have been in discord for six thousand years’. Instead, it appealed to ‘a moral truth superior to all changes of doctrine and all controversies’. 44 To put the point differently, laïcité was a kind of ‘second-order’ secularism, a set of rational, moral values upon which a variety of ‘ﬁrst-order’ 44 Ofﬁcial Republicanism, Equality, and the Hijab comprehensive views, including religious ones, could converge.
Turning ﬁnally to the last section of this introduction, I now explain how the interpretive and the normative dimensions of this book are related. Structure of the Book This book contains three parts, the ﬁrst on égalité as secularist neutrality, the second on liberté as female autonomy, and the third on fraternité as national solidarity. Each part contains two interpretive chapters and one normative chapter. 84 In both cases, I attempt to reconstruct their strongest, most persuasive version, often ﬁlling out missing logical links and spelling out unarticulated, culturally speciﬁc assumptions.