Colonialism and Indian Economy by Amiya Bagchi

By Amiya Bagchi

This quantity examines the industrial and social outcomes of colonial rule in India. It covers numerous points of economic system like gross family product, neighborhood development, de-industrialization, kin among agriculture and economic system, demographic alterations, land tax and estate rights, marketplace family and bondage, and notions of authority. It explores the mechanisms that generated and sustained source movement catapulting Britain and different capitalist international locations to worldwide dominance.

Amiya okay. Bagchi surveys the writings on monetary historical past of colonial India and offers a theoretical framework to find India's financial event. Investigating parts like East India Company's monopoly exchange, drain of wealth, deindustrialization, agricultural productiveness and alter, dwelling criteria, and emergence of civil society he additionally indicates how India structurally adjusted itself to the altering monetary dynamics. This publication should be of substantial curiosity to students, lecturers, and scholars of contemporary Indian historical past and economics.

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These projects were meant to,yield surplus revepue after meeting the cost of the imputed or actual charges for servicing the debt or"the opportunity cost of the public expenditure. 21. See Sen (1981) for a cogent analysis of the causes of the Bengal Famine of 1943 and numerous studies preceding and succeeding that. 1 An Estimate of the Gross Domestic Material Product of Bengal and Bihar in 1794 from Colebrooke's Data* Introduction HT Colebrooke wrote, at the end of the eighteenth century, • • one of the most interesting books ever written on the economy of Bengal and Bihar.

W. Peter, a US public health expert, compared the Indian health care situation unfavourably with the Philippines, Malaya, and Singapore. A major problem Introduction Ii was the meagreness of government expenditure on health and education. Moreover, the officialsin charge of health complained about the paucity of funds. The outcome was that, according to the report of the Public Health Commissioner of Bombay Presidency, for example, for 1920 (even in the city of Bombay, among Parsis, by no means a poor community), the infant mortality rate (IMR) was 199, and the average IMR for the city was as high as 500 (Peter 1923: 630).

The papers in this selection seek to shed light on the tributary compulsions of the colonial state and their outcomes. How constraining the colonial incubus was for the outcomes is indicated by the fact that in spite of all the obstacles posed by a highly inegalitarian social system, growth in Indian national and per capita incomes underwent a structural break almost immediately afrer independence, even though the population grew at much faster rates than under the colonial regime (Sivasubramonian 2000; Hatekar and Dongre 2005).

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